Wedges and cacerolazos against Argentina's over-edited Miley

The second night of protests in major Argentine cities after the Official Gazette of the Maximum Decree through which the government of Javier Miley intends to liberalize the economy and privatize all state-owned companies.

After the spontaneous explosions that exploded on Wednesday night, in Buenos Aires, Rosario, Luján, Morón, Ensenada, La Plata, Mar del Plata, Tandil, Chascomos, Mendoza, San Carlos de Bariloche, and in many other cities of the country, thousands of people gathered demonstrated They schedule new nightly events via social media. In Cordoba, the country's second-most populous city, police attacked the crowd with rubber bullets and tear gas to avoid a total blockade on the central Avenida General Paz.

Obsession Avoiding roadblocks appears to be guiding repressive action in the early days of the new government. Last week, Security Minister Patricia Bullrich issued an action protocol giving the green light to arrest anyone obstructing traffic during a demonstration, which is considered a flagrant crime. Beneficiaries of state benefits who are stopped during protests will lose their right to public contributions. The test occurred specifically on the occasion of a parade commemorating the popular uprising on December 20, 2001: the government mobilized 3,500 federal agents to force demonstrators onto the sidewalks.

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The protests of the last two nights therefore also represent a challenge to the new repressive protocol which, with the exception of Cordoba, has not yet been applied to the letter on nights when gunshots ring out over empty pots in the main Argentine squares. But these are still spontaneous, if numerous, demonstrations driven by the urban middle classes angry at the austerity and deregulation measures the far right has imposed on the government in just ten days. On Thursday night, in addition to chants against the president, there was also chanting against the leaders of the three national trade union centres, urgently calling for a general strike. At the moment, the CGT, CTA and CTA-autónoma have only received an invitation to a national demonstration in Buenos Aires on December 27, but without suspending activities. Argentina's trade unions appear willing to coordinate the struggle against Miley's measures with the Peronist opposition, which remains stunned – and deeply divided – after the electoral defeat on November 19.

while The government shows no signs of reversing its steps despite the protests. Since his inauguration last December 10, Milley has devalued the national currency by more than 50%, announced the elimination of energy and transportation subsidies, ended government labor contracts with a duration of less than a year, and ordered a freeze on public procurement and privatization. Of construction sites under construction, ministries and secretariats were reduced by a third. In recent days, a maximum decree has also reached Parliament that declares a state of economic and social emergency, reforms more than 300 laws, limits strikes, privatizes 33 state companies, and abolishes most regulations related to trade and production. But in order for it not to lose its validity, it must be approved by at least one of the two chambers, a goal that seems increasingly out of reach as the hours pass. Several parliamentary blocs asked the government to send an “identical law” to the House of Representatives, which includes the same procedures contained in the decree so that they can be amended, even partially. However, the emergency decree cannot be approved or rejected in its entirety.

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one thing To be sure, the desire to cut spending significantly and limit state regulation is almost incidental to Argentine politics. It is the arena of the “cultural battle,” a Gramscian concept borrowed from the far right and flaunted throughout the entire election campaign, where Miley and his followers score small victories. According to a recent poll, the government received approval from 53% of voters despite launching the “Saw Plan”, which was supposed to attack the privileges of the so-called political class, and instead attacked the already fragile situation of the country. Workers and the middle class.

This is also why mobilizations, protests, and strike threats do not seem to be affecting President Milley and his team. “There are people who suffer from Stockholm syndrome, and they are attached to the model that impoverishes them,” the head of state said regarding the louder protests every night across the country.