Government crisis, tears that threaten stability

In the end this actually happened. What even international observers didn’t think could happen slowly, in a few hours, when it became clear in the Senate that Mario Draghi He would have been Mario Draghi even in the most complicated moments for the legislature. And that the parties – at least Lega, Forza Italia and M5S – will claim their entire political role, based on the electoral consensus gathered in 2018 (which may be different today).

This is how Draghi in his opening speech at Senate He put on the board – almost with populist air – an extensive program of reforms. Regarding taxes, competition, electricity, social assistance, pensions, citizenship income and even super bonus. All things to do “in the name of the people” who – he remembers – mustered in recent days to persuade him to stay at Palazzo Chigi.

“You are ready?” asked the senators who listened to him. Those in Lega, Forza Italia and Movimento 5 Stelle were not. Instead, they chose to pull the plug. Simply put, with various motives, even opposing ones, sometimes incomprehensible. In this way they questioned the continuation of the legislature.

The possibility of blocking the difficult path of the country you were meant to create has vanished into the background Economic and social recovery. The logic of voting and the search for electoral consensus prevailed. In this way, the parties – of course – wanted to reaffirm the role of politics added by the 2018 elections. But they forgot the request for help signed seventeen months ago, when Mattarella considered it necessary to assign a government of technicians most suitable to get Italy out of the quagmire of the epidemic and guide it along The exact path of the reforms needed to get the many billions made available by the European Union.
Seventeen months after the pandemic was only partially defeated, the PNRR trajectory is less than halfway and – above all – a new significance imposed by the Ukraine crisis and the acceleration of the energy transition.

All Italians today are randomly poorer, due to the fixed costs they have to incur to travel by car, shop, and pay bills.
On closer examination, then, the state of emergency that persuaded seventeen months ago the head of state to appoint Mario Draghi, having ascertained the impossibility of the parties reaching an agreement for a political prime minister, still remains, and is even more so. Clear.

Now the main problem that the state must solve is exactly: how to find a way out of the energy crisis that has caused costs to rise to the point of making it unsustainable for many families and many businesses; How to carry out repairs banner to be eligible for European funds; How to save 40 thousand small businesses in debt from possible default due to the blocking of credit transfers envisaged by the super-bonus; And again, how to complete some projects to relaunch cities, the capital First of all, it was made possible by the power and international prestige of the Draghi government.
On closer inspection, the list of things now at risk that Draghi has been carrying out is roughly comparable to the list of claims the M5S has used to raise tension against the government. It doesn’t matter much at this point. But it serves to frame the pretext of the reasons for which the tear was sought.

Mario Draghi will be in room, to attend the debate and vote of confidence in that council. Then he will draw his own conclusions. Once again, the weight of critical choices could fall on President Mattarella. The goal is the same as seventeen months ago: to emerge from the state of emergency, avoid an economic crisis, and restore credibility to an Italian regime that yesterday suffered massive damage to its image. But this time, unlike seventeen months ago, the head of state may have one less card to play. That Mario Draghi.