The parties are already in the white semester framework. The opposite action of the track

The more inevitably the formal opening of the white semester approaches, the more subtle and, therefore, the more divisive political issues must pass. With due respect to Palazzo Chiki, who has been under siege for several weeks, the next Tuesday – August 3 only – the President of the Republic will no longer have the power to vacate rooms. This is effectively tantamount to paralyzing the current parliament for six months, without the risk of cross-fighting and personal impatience between leaders who support the majority leading to fearful early elections. Therefore, it is clear that the risk of a kind of “liberating everyone” is very high, and for some it is taken for granted.

Mario Drake is well aware of this, and it is not surprising that he said he was bringing home justice reform before the white semester trap was triggered. He did not fight even a little, and came to put his resignation on the table, a hypothesis, to be sure if it was appropriate to inform Quinley informally. The tough drag on the Cordobia reform, and to bring home only one trip at first reading in the chamber. As a testament to how specific this moment is, today – Sunday, August 1 – the conference in Montserratio could finally conclude the case by Tuesday, Wednesday.

So, these last two weeks of conflicts within the majority are enough to understand how much of an obstacle the path of the coming months will be. After the summer, in fact, justice reform will come to the Senate – and what happened in the second reading with the John Bill – the path is not taken to be all downhill. There will also be a rigorous executive session between September 15 and October 15, with cities such as Bologna, Milan, Naples, Rome and Turin set to vote. He will not allow breaks after the political agenda, as it is clear that the big maneuvers for Sergio Matterella’s successor election will begin, with a meeting scheduled for the first half of January.

In this barrier course, level wars between the various leaders of the expanded majority supporting Troki should be included. The one between Matteo Salvini and Enrico Letta is now a permanent conflict that is becoming more and more sharp and upsetting the delicate balance that holds the government together. Not to mention the distrust between Matteo Renzi and Dem Secretary, he will always run for a seat in the room in Siena after the summer, where Italy can play a decisive role alive. Then there are frictions within the parties, within the League and within the Democrats. Not to mention the torn M5s with Giuseppe Conte – now rags with Luigi de Mayo – the only beacon to blow up ECB’s former issue.

In short, there are risks of unrestricted months of politics, with the majority supporting parties taking off the government jacket to wear the sweat shirt of the struggle. Drake is well aware of this and has no intention of lending beyond reasonable limits. If the fight becomes permanent – he told his corporate spokespersons – he is ready for the extreme gesture already anticipated during the conflict over justice. On the other hand, its credibility is at stake. Because Italian politics can be so paradoxical – and blind – to wear even a profile like him, certainly the most admired Italian abroad. A situation that Minister Renato Brunetta explains is that “interest” never meant the former ECP number one “bankruptcy of the country”.

Of course, it is clear that Drake will be a new presence. If you change the guard on the mountain it will not last. A few weeks ago in private, it was no coincidence that the Prime Minister said that Maderella was the guarantor of the work he was doing in Palazzo Ciki. One reason his narrator explained as an option. When a new head of state is elected, the Prime Minister will present himself to the college known as the “Resignation of Honor” given the institutional practice of how much weight it would have been elected in 1955).